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 Post subject: "Brown in color, British in thinking"- Black white
 Post Posted: Wed Nov 23, 2005 2:36 am 
Black whites of Sri Lanka

Written By:Chand Wije
@ Standard Newspapers


When white masters left their colonies in Asia and, Africa these countries came under the control of black white families or black white dictators or military men. Sri Lanka narrowly escaped from a military dictatorship in 1962, but in 1978 black white agent J.R. Jeyawardene (JRJ) created a democratic prison.

The first prisoners were his rivals Mrs. B and Felix Dias (1982). In the 1830s colonial masters in India devised a policy of creating a stooge class, "brown in color, British in thinking and ways of life." Since that time in the colonial Ceylon an English-speaking and white skin worshipping black white class emerged and in 1948 replaced the white master as new rulers. In 1956 the Pancha Maha Bala Vegaya was able to bury the black white rule but the movement was weak, disorganized and had some undesirable elements of extremism. After the assassination of its midwife SWRD in 1959 Sri Lankan politics became a game of changing musical chairs by the blue, red and green black white families in Colombo. Mismanagement of the country by these black white families paved way for a dictator- democracy in 1978. The 1978 JRJ constitution (and election system) has been a black hole, a death trap for the country. The 2005 election will end this dark period in Sri Lankan history.

Devolution and the Colombo Paradigm

The majority Sinhala Buddhists were never racist and never discriminated against minority ethnic/religious groups. At least twenty percent of Buddhist temple shrine space is devoted to Hindu gods and goddesses. The "clash" between Sinhalese and Tamils was a strategy devised by the Colombo English-speaking black white ruling families to stay in power at the expense of poor masses. It was the black white version of the divide-and-rule policy previously applied by the British white masters against the brown black whites. When they found that the grant of universal suffrage in 1931 it forced them to replace English of the few in Colombo with native languages along with the need for rural development work away from Colombo they created a new Sinhala-Tamil language conflict. Consider, for example, the two marches: 1958 infamous Imbulgoda march of JRJ (UNP) and the 1966 Ven. Dambarawe Ratanasara (Kollupitiya) march of Colvin and Leslie (LSSP-CP-SLFP), both against the reasonable use of Tamil law/regulations.

Colombo centered development by the Colombo class increased the gap between Colombo versus the rural areas and the gap between the rich versus the poor. The diversification of Colombo-based export-import economy and regional development became a kolambata kiri apata kekiri phenomenon (milk and honey to Colombo, fodder to rural areas, Youth Commission Report (page xvii) of March 1990). The local government system in operation since the 1860s was not given the support it needed by the green-red and blue black white local government cabinet ministers in Colombo. The country needed economic and political devolution and the black whites paid only lip service to this idea for 60 years. For example, in a booklet published in 1970 (Dravida Munethra Kasagam movement and the future of the Sinhalese, page xv) the late professor Tennakoon Wimalananda proposed several simple ways of devolution; one was the dispersal of ministry offices to remote areas. All kind of regional development projects came up from time to time but unwillingness to decentralize the concentration of power in Colombo took the spirit and purpose out of them. Regional development became a day time trip to a remote area and return to Colombo in the night. The rusting clock towers in rural areas today are examples of one such grandiose project of R. Premadasa. No other country in the world has an idiotic example of moving the capital from one marshy area to another 20 miles away. The capital should have been moved to the Raja Rata. Yes, devolution is essential but devolution is different from the "F" panacea of black whites. MR needs to explain to the country this key difference.

The story was that in India the colonial masters instigated the formation of the Indian National Congress. In Ceylon, local black whites formed similar associations to ask for crumbs from the colonial pie. They asked for places on the governors' advisory council and jobs for them in the government service. Thus from the very beginning the purpose of local representation on the Ceylon Legislative Council was to ask for selfish favors to the Colombo black white families and the last thing in their minds was service to the country.

Why black whites planned the "F" solution

It was some dedicated English civil servants who had any concern or sympathy for the poor people in remote areas. Governor Gregory created a new North Central province in 1873 and called it "my child." Governor Gordon repaired the Kala Vawe in 1887.

On the other hand, since 1832 the black white ruling class, settled down in the reclaimed Colombo swamp, acted against the common people in every possible way. They opposed a living wage to workers, they opposed declaring Vesak a public holiday, they opposed the granting of universal franchise in 1931, they opposed free education (1944) and the right to education by one' s mother tongue. After failing to stop universal suffrage, black whites devised a new strategy: they became new Buddhists and created the background for a conflict between the Sinhala and Tamil common man. The black whites became so powerful, that the British governors themselves became prisoners in the hands of the Maha Mudaliyars. It appeared as if governors could not maintain peace and good government without the mudaliyars! In fact, local black whites became whiter than the whites. A British governor who supported a motion to make Vesak a public holiday felt embarrassed when the local representative of the people, an Obeysekera, opposed the motion!

They benefited from importation of South Indian labor for plantation work. There was even a short-lived proposal to ship Irish labor from England. The anti-people attitude was pervasive throughout the establishment. C. W. W. Kannangara did not want to use the Legal Draftsman's Department to draft the Free Education bill, fearing that D. S. Senanayaka's ministry would stop it. When a young ASP Osmond de Silva worked with Ven. Kalukondayawe Pannasekera on rural development and crime eradication projects he was transferred to the Bambalapitiya Police Training Academy, the only place in the police department where he could not have day-to-day contacts with farmers. Wilmot A. Perera quit his ambassador to China position because of the obstacles created by the foreign office in Colombo. In 2005 so many Sri Lankan embassies are full of anti-national elements.

A new black white strategy discernible from newspaper articles is to blame the victim. These are attempts to re-write history. Thus Arjun Mahendra blamed the change over to education in a child's mother tongue as the reason for Tamil terrorism. The change to Sinhala and Tamil did not mean giving up of teaching English as a second language. It was the black white establishment which weakened English teaching. English was taught only to rich Colombo children who later used it as a passport for privileged status. Another example is an attempt to indirectly justify the 1962 Coup leader role of C. C. Dissanayaka by his son. A third example is Wickrema Weerasuriya trying to get credit for the work supposed to have been done by his father on the Kandyan Peasantry Commission.! This commission is known for the work not done rather than any major or minor accomplishments!

In the 1920s black white Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in Colombo reached an agreement to implement a formula so remarkably similar to what the American administration is proposing for Iraq today. The Iraq plan proposes to make the majority a minority and the two minorities "autonomous regions." The end result could be three separate countries in the present Iraq similar to what had happened to Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. To quote from "Communalism and language in the politics of Ceylon," by Robert Kearney (1967):

Ceylon National Congress

"In the early 1920s an agreement was reached between the leaders of the Ceylon National Congress [black whites?] and the Tamil-leadership for a ratio of one Tamil for two Sinhalese representatives, which was the result produced by the 1924 constitution. Tamil pronouncements to the Donoughmore Commission appealed for the retention of this ratio, which with the representation of other minorities deprived the Sinhalese of an absolute majority in the legislative chamber. The commission [Donoughmore Report, pp. 92-93] rejected outright the idea of fixing relative proportions of Sinhalese and Tamil legislative seats and proposed an essentially majoritarian scheme with territorial constituencies of approximately equal population..." (P. 33). ". . .. The organization, founded by G. G. Ponnambalam, insisted on constitutional and statutory guarantees to protect the minorities against Sinhalese domination after independence. The Tamil Congress took up and championed a plan called by its advocates "balanced representation" and popularly known as the "fifty-fifty" scheme. The scheme, prompted in part by the creation of the pan-Sinhalese ministry [black whites?], would have limited the Sinhalese to half the seats, in the legislature and reserved the remaining half for the minorities. It would have restricted by statute the members of any community who could serve in the Cabinet to less than half of the Cabinet's membership. Thus, its advocates argued, no community would be in a position to impose its will on the others. The "fifty- fifty" scheme was vigorously urged by the Tamil Congress. . . The Soulbury commission rejected the "fifty-fifty" scheme.. [Soulbury Report, pp. 66 -67], (p. 37)."

Marxists black whites NM-Colvin-Leslie embraced this rejected plan as "parity of status," until they dropped it after 30 years of damage to the country. How can the LSSP black whites today cite Colvin' s formula (in the 1950s) "one language two countries, two languages one country" when Colvin himself was leading the 1966 march against Tamil language regulations and was the co-author of the 1972 ugly constitution? The black whites betrayed the trust placed on them by the Donoughmore and Soulbury Commissioners by removing separation of powers and other minority safeguards that were in the dominion constitution. One reason why London is a safe heaven for Tamil terrorist today is the British collective guilt for trusting the Sinhala black whites in 1929 and 1947. Anyway the 1920s plan was re-introduced and implemented by the black whites JRJ and A.J. Wilson via their death trap constitution of 1978. Sri Lanka will never be a peaceful country again until this draconian and anti-national constitution is scrapped in total.
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Written By:Chand Wije


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